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The traditional paradigms proposed by American or Chinese IR scholars cannot explain the true interactions between Imperial China and its neighboring countries, in particular Korea and Japan. Both Western-centrism and Sinocentrism should be abandoned when analyzing ancient China s foreign relations if we want to establish implications for understanding contemporary Sino-Korea relations. The Long Peace indeed existed in early modern East Asia for nearly 500 years, but we cannot find any causal mechanism verifying that it was based on Confucian culture. The theory of realism can be supported by process-tracing the history based on Chinese-language literature. Confucian culture was simply an effective instrument of Imperial China s foreign relations which could institutionalize the hierarchical system already established by Chinese power. However, it did not always effectively reduce or avoid war and could hardly be internalized into the Sinic state s recognition of China-centrism but rather weakened the China-centered hierarchical system.
Russia and the Korean Peninsula: Central Rather Than Peripheral?
Russia and the Korean Peninsula: Central Rather Than Peripheral?
Er-Win Tan,Geetha Govindasamy
Korea Observer Vol 52, No 1/ 2021
29-49 (21 pages)
사회과학>정치외교학
Abstract
The potential role of Russia as an intermediary in inter-Korean relations has been under-studied inasmuch as regional attempts to bring about the denuclearisation of North Korea are concerned. Although Russia had previously taken a less active role during the Six Party Talks, it is apparent President Putin has sought a Russian Pivot to Northeast Asia, with a particular interest in consolidating Russian interests on the Korean Peninsula. Russian involvement as an intermediary acceptable to both Seoul and Pyongyang may mark a possible opportunity to break the current impasse over the denuclearisation of North Korea.
The North Korean nuclear issue serves as a failure of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons in the sense that Pyongyang has, at present, nearly achieved its program. Why do some states like North Korea succeed in nuclear armament, while others fail? Two-level silence at both intranational and international levels served as a sufficient condition for North Korea to become nuclear-armed. Under a brutal dictatorial regime, the domestic audience complied with their leader s provocative policy while simultaneously serving as an environment of silence at the intranational level. More importantly, the international community and external states, including China, South Korea, and the U.S., remained relatively less assertive to North Korea s nuclear program as opposed to the cases of Iraq and Syria, which led to the creation of a silent structure at the international level. A structure of silence at both levels provided North Korea with a window of opportunity for accelerating and completing its nuclear program. This analysis generates policy and academic implications. Various options, including daring measures, at great risk, should be on the table in order to resolve a nuclear issue. Most importantly, the finding shows that robust military measures and their willingness to implement these measures serve as the most effective and innovative tool to stop a recurring pattern of past mistakes.
A growing number of governments around the world at both national and subnational levels have shored up their efforts at attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) by setting up an investment promotion agency (IPA). A newly emerging literature has sought to ascertain if and how such agencies have fulfilled their missions. In this article, we seek to move it forward by making two contributions. First, taking advantage of the Foreign-Business Friendliness Index (FBFI) data that cover all district-level local governments in South Korea, we are able to conduct a comprehensive study of local IPAs within a single country. Second, the detailed information in the data also enables us to examine precisely which organizational structures and activities of the IPAs are most responsible for the enhanced FDI performance. Key findings suggest that the way IPA s internal organizational structure is set up matters. Specifically, we show that IPAs that have an IP committee in conjunction with a designated IP department significantly outperform those that do not have both at the same time.
Candlelight protests were held in 2016 and 2017 in South Korea. Hundreds of thousands of people gathered downtown with candles in their hands, and it is widely recognized as an unprecedented collective action in the history of Korean politics. This study analyzes how the candlelight protests developed and achieved the impeachment of the president. Drawing on political opportunity theory, this paper examines how the political opportunity was formulated in the process and outcome of these candlelight protests. This paper identifies three properties that served as enabling conditions embedded in this case: (1) political freedoms guaranteed in the existing formal institutions; (2) political elites in alignment with the protesters and the rule of law; and (3) low risk of state repression of law-abiding collective action. Overall, the political opportunities were sufficiently established in Korean society for citizens to take collective action and their protests led to the desired outcome.
Democratization and Democracy in South Korea, 1960 – Present
Democratization and Democracy in South Korea, 1960 – Present
Jung-Kwan Cho
Korea Observer Vol 52, No 1/ 2021
131-148 (18 pages)
사회과학>정치외교학
Abstract
This is a critical review of Hyug Baeg Im s book titled Democratization and Democracy in Korea, 1960-Present. After briefly summarizing the outline of the book, the reviewer presents a detailed critique respectively on Im s analyses of the three main subjects: (1) the Yushin authoritarianism in relation to Park Chung Hee s role; (2) the democratic transition; and (3) the democratic consolidation and the state of Korean democracy. The reviewer argues that Im s evaluation somewhat downplays Park s part with the Yushin regime and that his game-theoretic examination of the transition may obscure a complete picture because of its depreciation of critical structural conditions. While Im was optimistic a decade ago about Korea s future in developing democracy, the reviewer finds the current situation of Korean democracy degenerating. The reviewer proposes that more attention to institutional factors will complement Im s approach on actors and structures and help thwart the retrogression of Korean democracy.
While there are many studies across different fields of immigrant transnationalism, there are a few that analyze the experience of Korean immigrants social transnationalism. Analyzing a survey of 507 Korean immigrants in the New York-New Jersey area, this study aims to understand (1) the frequency of their engagement in broad (e.g., contact with family and friends in the home country) and narrow social transnationalism (e.g., visit the home country), (2) the relationship between the two types of transnationalism, and (3) the factors associated with different types of social transnationalism, especially focusing on assimilation and socioeconomic status. It finds that Korean immigrants tend to engage more in broad social transnationalism and that the two types of social transnationalism are interrelated. Higher education is positively associated with both types of social transnationalism, whereas the relationship between assimilation and social transnationalism shows different directions depending on the type of social transnationalism. Residing in the U.S. for longer years is negatively associated with broad social transnationalism, and better English proficiency is positively related to narrow social transnationalism. This study contributes to the existing literature and suggests future studies in other understudied areas of Korean transnationalism.
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