惯青扁包 郴 埃青拱

  • 埃青拱 郴 八祸 八祸
  • 埃青拱 肚绰 鼻/龋甫 "-傈眉-" 急琶窍矫搁 烹钦 八祸捞 啊瓷钦聪促

积己巩过楷备

八祸搬苞 :
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傈眉急琶 Endnote Refworks
The goal of this paper is to propose a Compatibility Condition for multiple expressive elements in American English. In exploring the collocation patterns of ethnic slurs, negative nigger vs. positive nigga, with other expressives, I suggest the systematicity in interaction between various expressive items. A big data-based trend analysis answers the following questions: First, how are the multiple occurrences of expressives with varying attitudes constrained? To capture the dynamic paradigm of co-occuring expressives, I re-evaluate the validity of the Compatibility Condition (CC) with big data in American English. Second, why are there exceptional cases that do not conform to the CC? I discuss how such intentional flout is employed to trigger special pragmatic effects. Theoretical implications include: (i) establishing the positive emotive stance of nigga, contrary to general conception of negativity in slurs; (ii) proposing the CC in American English; and (iii) supporting the notion of multidimensionality.
There has been considerable debate recently as to when labels are created and whether they’re necessary at all (Collins 2002). Chomsky has proposed that labels are necessary at LF only. Takita (2020) has argued that labels are necessary at PF only. I propose that labels are necessary at both interfaces. This explains why movement for labelling takes place overtly, as noted by Ott (2015) and Moro (2009). I illustrate the necessity of labels for Pseudo Noun Incorporation (PNI) in three languages. Specifically, I argue that labels are necessary to identify the category selected by the verb in PNI. Some languages select a bare nP, while other select a bare NumP. Finally, I combine these observations with Wiltschko’s theory of number. The observed properties of PNI fall out from Wiltschko’s theory, but only if we assume labels are formed in the overt syntax.
One basic restriction for multiple subject constructions in Korean is that it is preferable for the first, non-argument subject to be linked to a gap in the second, argument subject position. In this paper, I first show that the effect of this condition can be explained in terms of the Specified Subject Condition (Chomsky 1973) if we assume that multiple subject constructions involve A-movement. Positing A-movement, however, will face problems with various locality constraints in that the posited A-movement can violate the constraints on both A- and A’-movements, and I explore this issue in the latter part of the paper. An answer for this problem, I suggest, can be found if we acknowledge that non-clause-bounded A-movement is syntactically possible in Korean and that the Tensed S Condition and the Specified Subject Condition have a processing nature, similar to Island Constraints.
Toward a Uniform Analysis of Romance SE
Toward a Uniform Analysis of Romance SE
己巩泅(Moonhyun Sung),Michael Jonathan Mathew Barrie
积己巩过楷备 力31鼻 力1龋/ 2021
87-105 (19 pages)
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This paper discusses the analysis of the Romance anticausative proposed in Alexiadou et al. (2015) and expands their analysis to inherent reflexive verbs in Romance languages so that a uniform account of both anticausatives and inherent reflexives in Romance languages are provided, further shedding lights on antipassive constructions in non-ergative-absolutive languages. Based on observations on inherent reflexives in Alboiu et al. (2004), we propose a neo-Davidsonian structure for inherent reflexives adapting Alexiadou et al. s (2015) analysis of anticausatives. That is, while in normal transitives the object introducer has the feature set [ルx, D], in inherent reflexives the object introducer merely has the feature [D]. In brief, then, we propose that the SE anaphor is introduced in object position and the theme is merged as an adjunct PP. The SE anaphor merely satisfies the need for an element with a D feature in object position but does not receive a theta-role. Under our proposal transitive reflexives, anticausatives, and inherent reflexives in Romance receive a monolithic analysis, bringing us toward a uniform analysis of Romance SE.
This paper concerns structural and semantic-informational differences between the merger(M)-type and the sprouting(S)-type of Korean sluicing-like constructions. It focuses on the relevance of an indefinite correlate in the preceding clause to the optionality of a postposition after the wh-phrase in the following clause. It is proposed that kukey ‘it’ is a D-pronoun in the M-type construction, while it is a variable in the S-type construction. Both function as a discourse linker, introducing an indefinite meaning or an incomplete discourse situation of the preceding clause to the subject topic position of the following clause. So the M-type construction constitutes a copular structure, while the S-type construction a truncated cleft structure. In respect of semantic-informational structure, the two types both convey specificational meaning, which is verified through the investigation of subject-honorification data. The predicational behavior of the M-type construction and inversion impossibility of the S-type construction are also explained as phenomena expected from the different properties of the two types.
This paper investigates a null argument in Korean that cannot take as its antecedent a nominal marked with a focus particle like –man ‘only’. Although trivial in appearance, this peculiar behavior of the null argument in this language renders compelling evidence against a PF deletion and LF reconstruction-based ellipsis analysis and a V-stranding cum VP ellipsis analysis of the Korean null argument. Thus, it is suggested that we go back to the traditional analysis of the null argument as a pronoun or, more exactly, pro. Since a pronoun is a feature complex composed of phi-features (such as person, number, gender, Case), the focus marker-inclusive construal of the null argument even when it takes a –man marked nominal as its antecedent is not allowed. But such a construal is apparently allowed when the VP anaphor recovers a –man marked nominal inside it, which in turn flies in the face of deriving the null argument via V-stranding cum VP ellipsis.
Two Types of Rs in Korean: Evidence from Epistemic Predicates
Two Types of Rs in Korean: Evidence from Epistemic Predicates
倾技巩(Semoon Hoe),沥茄喊(Han-Byul Chung),冠悼快(Dongwoo Park)
积己巩过楷备 力31鼻 力1龋/ 2021
147-168 (22 pages)
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This paper argues, from the perspective of labeling, that the epistemic predicates kolyeha- and kancwuha- taking small clause complements headed by -(u)lo have different verbal domain structures, in that the verbal domain with kolyeha- can have either a proleptic object or a raised object, while that with kancwuha- can only have a raised object. Contra Chomsky (2015), we argue that this results from the difference in the strength of the root based on the (un)availability of genitival nominalization containing those verbal noun Rs kancwu is a weak R, while kolye is a strong R. Using this modified labeling theory, we account for disparities between the verbal noun kolye and the verbal noun kancwu in scrambling and ellipsis, despite the fact that these two Rs convey the same semantic meaning as epistemic verbs.
To account for the positional (final vs. non-final) asymmetry observed in elliptical contexts (Park 2005, 2013, Park and Shin 2014, Ku and Cho 2014, Chung 2015a, b, among others), several proposals have been made in the literature including An’s (2016, 2018) extra deletion approach, Ahn and Cho’s (2017a, b) repetitive gapless right dislocation analysis, and Chung’s (2015a, b) oblique merge approach. This article addresses a novel type of fragment called an elliptical contrastive topic construction (ECTC, Chung 2020) and examines which of the theories proposed thus far best accounts for the characteristics of the construction. In particular, it will be shown that neither An’s nor Ahn and Cho’s theory properly captures certain important syntactic and semantic properties of the ECTC, while there is some room for Chung’s approach to accommodate them.
This squib is concerned with control shift: the phenomenon that subject control predicates turn into object control predicates, and vice versa (Larson 1991). Control shift appears to cast doubt on the Movement Theory of Control, but this squib shows that the phenomenon does not pose a threat to the Movement Theory of Control but rather supports it. It is shown that control shift arises only when the predicate permits a double object construction (DOC) , and hence the to-infinitive can be taken to be a nominal complement. If the to-infinitive is not a nominal, extraction out of it is permitted and hence the closest DP serves as the controller, provided that control is movement, and if, on the other hand, it is a nominal, extraction out of a nominal to-infinitive is not permitted and so the closest DP may not be the controller. This squib shows that control shift takes place when a predicate allows a DOC, which opens up the possibility that the to-infinitive can be the direct object—a nominal.
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