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This article aims at looking into the historical, political, social, and institutional considerations that may have influenced the suspension of President Moon Jae-In s proposal for constitutional amendment in 2018. Although broad factors and dimensions can be called upon in this regard, as far as institutional considerations are concerned, a focus will be given to the role of the judicial bodies in constitutional change. Either any abrupt attribution of all the political, social, and economic problems which the Korean society faces to the constitutional system alone and its concomitant idealistic or fundamentalist, partisan and non-consensual drive for comprehensive constitutional amendment as a panacea for such pathologies are doomed to failure. Since any constitutional reform movement should be based upon deliberative consensus on the exact causes of constitutional problems and effective alternatives to the existing constitutional institutions and rules, not only constitutional amendment but also legislative reform and changes in political culture are required for the successful constitutional change. The Korean experience in the first half of Moon Jae-In Government shows that constitutional changes through either formal constitutional amendment or informal change through judicial interpretation of the constitution can be foreseeable
Since 1950, yǒngye kunin, or honourable veterans have been a constant theme of North Korean media. The original meaning of this term implies soldiers who died or acquired a major disability as combatants; yet the DPRK media also applies this term to personnel who passed away or acquired disabilities following industrial accidents at their workplaces during military service. Initially, official media related to the theme of honorable veterans focused on issues of how veterans were re-integrating into society. In the late 1980s, the focus changed, with the main emphasis placed on civilian responses to veterans self-sacrifice. One of the peculiar forms of such responses was the practice of proposing marriage to an unknown honorable veteran. Based on a wide variety of North Korean media materials, this article investigates this change in the official discourse about honorable veterans , considering it within the context of the changing goals of state propaganda.
Religion, Contact, and LGBT Acceptance: Survey Evidence from South Korea
Religion, Contact, and LGBT Acceptance: Survey Evidence from South Korea
Timothy S. Rich,Isabel Eliassen,Madelynn Einhorn
Korea Observer Vol 52, No 4/ 2021
627-647 (21 pages)
사회과학>정치외교학
Abstract
What factors explain South Korean public opinion on LGBT issues? Via an original survey, we tackle the influence of religion and of knowing a Korean LGBT person on two issues: same-sex marriage and comfort with an LGBT neighbor. We find that of religious identifications studied, only Protestants corresponded with lower support, while knowing a Korean LGBT person strongly correlated with support of both. Moreover, we find that comfort with an LGBT neighbor falls in between acceptance of North Korean and Muslim neighbors.
Confucianism and Corruption: The Sources of Support for Democracy in Northeast Asia
Confucianism and Corruption: The Sources of Support for Democracy in Northeast Asia
José, Alemá,n,Howard Sanborn
Korea Observer Vol 52, No 4/ 2021
649-675 (27 pages)
사회과학>정치외교학
Abstract
Scholars of comparative politics have long sought to understand the relationship between Confucianism and support for democratic regimes and institutions. Confucianism can manifest itself in a preference for economic growth over democratic politics among citizens. In this paper, we consider the effect of corruption perceptions on support for democracy in Asia s liberal democracies (Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan). Using latent class analysis (LCA), we find that although some in Northeast Asia value economic growth more than democratic development, this view does not necessarily threaten evaluations of democratic performance or translate into a clear preference for dictatorship. We also find that perceptions of government corruption fully color the views individuals have about how desirable democracy is as a political regime and how it performs in their country. All told, our research reconceptualizes the relationship between regime performance and cultural orientations in East Asia s Confucian democracies.
The government s supplementary budget, unlike the main budget, represents funding granted for emergency circumstances throughout the year. This study uses a rich dataset from South Korea to examine the characteristics of the supplementary budget compared to the main budget with regard to its formulation and execution. The analysis indicates that, first, projects that change during parliamentary deliberation on the main budget from the previous year tend to be reorganized into the supplementary budget. Second, the supplementary budget has a significant impact on the amount of unused budget. Third, the supplementary budget s level of year-round volatility is high, and it has a rapid rate of execution. While these results do not provide exhaustive evidence for evaluating the rationality of the supplementary budget, they do suggest the necessity of maintaining reasonability in the supplementary budget, considering the restrictive environment that the supplementary budget faces and its possible consequences.
Shopping, which has been regarded as being unrelated to social reforms, is now being highlighted as a powerful means of political activism to realize social justice. While declining in interests in traditional political participation, political consumers who consider the market as a venue to express political and social concerns are increasing. This study investigates political consumers characteristics by addressing the frequency of participation in boycotts, and the relationship between political consumerism and political participation by identifying how variables such as anti-business sentiments, political ideology, and social media, which directly or indirectly relate to political consumerism and political participation, differentially affect political consumerism and political participation. The findings of a survey of 1,036 respondents revealed the followings: (1) political consumers with different levels of boycott participation were not homogeneous. (2) a positive and significant relationship was found between political consumerism and political participation, but the variables affecting political consumerism and political participation were subtly different.
The purpose of this study is to examine stereotypes related to gender and socioeconomic status among college students in Korea (N= 488) where values, gender norms, and paths to success are rapidly changing. Each respondent read a vignette about a hypothetical student whose gender and socioeconomic status were manipulated, and was asked a series of question regarding the hypothetical student s personal qualities, hopes for going and living abroad, current achievement, and future educational and employment success. We found salient SES differences but very few gender differences. High-SES students who possessed qualities valued in Western countries (tolerance, self-expression, imagination) were more likely to be seen to succeed academically and employment-wise, have more experience and desire to study abroad, and ultimately have more agency in their daily lives. Traditionally positive qualities associated with East Asian countries (independence, hard work, thrift, determination/perseverance, feeling of responsibility) were attributed to low-SES students.
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