惯青扁包 郴 埃青拱

  • 埃青拱 郴 八祸 八祸
  • 埃青拱 肚绰 鼻/龋甫 "-傈眉-" 急琶窍矫搁 烹钦 八祸捞 啊瓷钦聪促

积己巩过楷备

八祸搬苞 :
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傈眉急琶 Endnote Refworks
This paper addresses a specific context where the so-called plural marking - tul in Korean is obligatory for plural denotation, sharply contrasting with the widely known generalization that in classifier languages, plural morphology is merely optional. A human noun in Korean requires a number specification by -tul, when it denotes plural individuals in an anaphoric definite context, whereas a non-human noun does not require it under the same condition. This contrast will be explained by the peculiarity of human nouns that can take null classifiers, distinct from other nouns in Korean. Human nouns, being associated with null classifiers, behave as count nouns and require explicit number specifications by -tul when full DP structures are supposed to project. Non-human nouns, in contrast, are mass nouns without resorting to overt classifiers, and hence do not require number specifications by -tul even when complete DPs are projected. This discussion, in turn, leads to implications on the syntactic status of -tul in Korean, arguing for a head plural analysis, instead of a modifying plural analysis, and further on the DP- vs. NP-language debate of classifier languages.
This paper discusses a syntactic approach to a bound noun twung in Korean. Twung is categorized as a bound noun because it requires the presence of some other words to be grammatical in a sentence. Recently, Chung (2019) examines Middle, Modern and Present-Day Korean data and argues that there are two different types of twung in Korean: a bound noun and an indirect quotation marker. Basically following Chung (2019), I claim that the bound noun twung is historically reanalyzed from N to C. To be specific, in the course of historical change, the bound noun twung acquired N-to-n movement like another bound noun kes (Kim 2016a). I further argue that the bound noun twung is reanalyzed as a complementizer due to its novel use of indirect quotation which emerged in the 19th century.
This paper concerns what is called the EPP-effect, which Chomsky(2000, 2001) assumes to be ‘XP-movement’ forced by the EPP-feature rather than Agree-feature. In this paper, I argue that there is no such EPP-effect that gives rise to no ‘edge-effect’, which is assumed to satisfy the semantic multiplicity required by the C-I system. Accordingly, I suggest a new proposal in which the edge effect triggers the EPP-effect. The edge effect is also justified, in this paper, by various empirical data. In addition, it is proved that A- and A’-movement both apply in one fell swoop rather than successive-cyclic under my new proposal. Consequently, it comes to light that the movement operation triggered by the edge-effect is rather a kind of costless property of human languages, since it is one of the operations required by the C-I system.
This paper investigates the construal of null arguments in Korean and Japanese, critically reviewing Abe s (2009, 2014) generalization on strict versus sloppy identity. He proposes that a sloppy identity interpretation of a null argument arises when it is not c-commanded by its antecedent (what Abe terms the anti-c-command requirement); whereas a strict identity interpretation always arises when the null argument is c-commanded by its antecedent. Showing that his generalization is not correct, we revise the generalization as follows: null arguments receive a sloppy identity reading when the constituent containing them, such as VP or TP, is in syntactico-semantic parallelism with that containing their antecedents. Otherwise, null arguments get a strict identity reading. We move on to argue that the null argument c-commanded by their antecedent cannot get a sloppy identity construal because the form-identity reconstruction of the null arguments with their antecedents for the sake of such construal induces a BC (C) violation when the latter c-command the former.
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