惯青扁包 郴 埃青拱

  • 埃青拱 郴 八祸 八祸

积己巩过楷备

八祸搬苞 :
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傈眉急琶 Endnote Refworks
This paper provides a novel account of the Indonesian suffix-kan. The syntactic behaviors of -kan in Bahasa Indonesia are best explained under the causative and applicative typology that derives from the fine-grained verb structure consisting of root, verbalizer, and Voice (Pylkkänen 2002; 2008, Harley 2013b, among others). In particular, I show that -kan can either occupy the high Appl(icative) head or the vCAUS head of verb-selecting causative, depending on its (in)ability to introduce a new argument. Consequently, the suffix -kan denotes either a benefactive or causative interpretation. A wide range of evidence converges to support the present analysis. On the one hand, the various types of verbal roots—nonpossessive transitive, static, and unergative roots—associated with benefactive -kan qualify it as typical high Appl head. On the other, the adjunct status of the Causee, patterns with adjunct modification, and the productivity exhibited by causative -kan classify it as the verb-selecting causative type.
In standard Minimalist Theory, the impetus for movement is feature strength. Strong features trigger overt movement, while weak features trigger covert movement. The equally stipulative EPP has also been implicated as a rigger for movement. Acknowledging that feature strength and the EPP are unsatisfying explanations for movement in language (Richards 2010; 2016), I investigate labelling and instability as sources of movement, as developed by Chomsky (2013) and Ott (2015). Ott argues that unlabelled structures are unstable and trigger movement. I investigate this nascent proposal in the context of noun incorporation in Northern Iroquoian languages. I show that noun incorporation is driven by instability caused by lack of a label rather than by Baker’s Morphological Visibility Condition. In addition to clarifying certain aspects of noun incorporation that are problematic for Baker’s analysis, this investigation brings us a step closer to the elimination of feature strength from Universal Grammar.
Based on the syntactic analysis of –kinun-clefts and –kesun-clefts, this paper presents a topography of Korean peripheries. These two types of Korean clefts are analyzed in a uniform way by being derived from focus movement followed by remnant topic movement. But, they differ in the syntactic positions into which each focus and topic moves; -kinun-clefts involve focus and topic positions that project on top of vPs, namely, vP-periphery, while –kesun-clefts reflect foci and topics that are located within CP-periphery. Such an analysis straightforwardly accounts for a variety of syntactic features of the two types of clefts, and furthermore, it offers a blueprint of a Korean peripheral structure. Overall, this study supports that the discourse information structure is mapped to the syntactic structure in an one-to-one fashion.
A considerable volume of literature has addressed the issue of why fragment answers behave differently from full sentences, e.g., with respect to island constraints like the Left Branch Condition (LBC). Drawing attention to conceptual problems with previous analyses, Ahn and Cho (2017a, b, c) propose ‘a limited ellipsis analysis’, according to which fragments (the last elements in case of multiple fragments) can be derived from a copula sentence with the help of phase extension (cf. den Dikken 2006). Despite various theoretical advances Ahn and Cho’s (ibid) copula based explanation has made, the current work points out some defects that their theory bears: (i) phase extension does not help at all in non-elliptical contexts; and (ii) there are some aspects of multiple fragment answers that are orthogonal to their ‘repetitive gapless right dislocation analysis’ of multiple fragments. It will be shown that some sort of PF rescuing mechanism is called for even in their system and that multiple fragments are not necessarily composed of two clauses.
This paper proposes a mapping algorithm for generic constructions. By adopting, yet modifying Diesing’s (1992) proposal, I suggest a mapping structure for generic interpretation. In particular, primarily based on Korean data, I pin down TopP/FocP as the scope for the generic operator. This new mapping algorithm can be further applied to the so-called ECM construction where the semantic subject of the embedded clause carries the accusative case, which always begged the question about its precise structural position. If the proposed mapping system is true, it can shed new light on this matter. In addition, I also present evidence against inherently dividing verbs into stage-level and individual-level, arguing for a distinction purely dependent on syntactic contexts. Given this, the proposed mapping algorithm in this paper can provide an account for the generic representation in kind-referring indefinite nominals and in characterizing predicates together.
This paper investigates the grammatical status of the adposition/postposition ‘-eykey’ and its multiple functions in synchronic and diachronic perspectives. We first argue, using the diagnostics employed by Urushibara (1991), that ‘-eykey’ is not a case marker but a postposition. We then examine the historical development of ‘-eykey’, finding that it is historically derived from a morphologically complex form consisting of ‘-uy (Genitive particle) + -ku(demonstrative) + -ey (adverbial particle)’. Since an animate noun cannot be directly suffixed with the adverbial particle, it has the demonstrative (pronoun) added before it. We move on to argue that though ‘-eykey’ is composed of the locative or place particle ‘–ey’, the former diverges from the latter in its functions, especially in its use as a goal or source marker. We attribute this asymmetry to the morphological complexity of ‘-eykey’, relative to ‘-ey’. But this asymmetry is not attested in its use as a recipient marker in transfer-denoting verbs like ‘cwu-’ (give) or ‘ponay-’(send). Meanwhile, we also argue that its use as an actor/effector marker in the passive construction comes from its use in the causative construction since in Korean, the former construction is derived from the latter.
This paper reports a novel observation on extraction out of nominals in Korean and offers an analysis of the correlation between NP-movement and the appearance of overt classifier morphology. To be specific, for extraction out of floating numeral-classifier constructions in Korean an Agree relation must be established between the NP and the overtly realized classifier head. If no overt classifier morphology is realized, stranding just numerals, extraction out of the nominal domain is prohibited. I argue that the observation can be explained straightforwardly under Reeve’s (2019) recent proposal that links the availability of movement out of nominals to the overt realization of agreement morphology on the head noun.
Theories of verb aspect have often assumed feature-based aspectual classifications (e.g., Smith (1997)). In this paper, it is argued that aspectual taxonomies based on feature specification are not adequate in that the features such as [durative] and [telic] are problematic in their application. As an alternative, we propose to adopt the system in Carlson (1981), where three grammatical criteria are used for categorizing inherent verb aspect types. In the proposed system, achievement verbs in Smith (1997) are divided into two different classes, and semelfactives are not treated as an independent category any more. As for conventional stative verbs, the distinction between statives proper and dynamic states is made. The necessity of such a taxonomy of aspect is supported by both Korean and English data.
This paper deals with a labeling problem posed by optional raising-to-object in ECM. I claim that XP-YP formed in the ECM complement is labeled by agreement: the composite head <C, T> is created by external pair-merge of T to C and the ECM subject moves to the Spec of <C, T>, which agrees with the ECM subject for under-inheritance of ϕ. It is shown that the proposed analysis can not only solve labeling of XP-YP in ECM; it can also bypass phase impenetrability, allowing the ECM subject to agree with the higher R and to raise out to Spec,RP. As implications of the proposed analysis, I discuss the A/Ā distinction and Case valuation. I also show that parametric variation with ECM and obligatory exit in raising-to-subject follow from Merge. Through the discussion in this paper, I demonstrate that Merge plays a key role in ECM, endorsing the minimalist hypothesis on language.
Studies in Generative Grammar, 29-2, 413-439. In this article I first introduce how the Skolemized choice function applies to small pros, and then point out the serious problems raised by the Skolemized choice function approach to pro analyses. Next I argue that the Skolemized choice function approach cannot be taken as a blind strategy to overcome the weakness of the pro-analyses although a choice function may be regarded as a useful tool to derive sloppy readings even in the cases where there exist neither overt linguistic antecedents nor extra-linguistic information. Finally, I propose an alternative pro-analysis in which a small pro is polysemous with closely related multiple anaphoric functions essentially listed in the lexicon where there are four anaphoric functions such as (i) a pronominal pro (ii) a reflexive pro (iii) an N’-substitute pro like one (iv) a deictic pro with a demonstrative use.
Despite the standard assumption that Korean has a category of Adj(ective), it has been repeatedly pointed out that traditional criteria distinguishing Adj from V(erb) in Korean are not solid. Furthermore Kim (2002) and Yeo (2004a, 2005) explicitly argue that Adj is absent in Korean. In this squib, I present one new piece of evidence for the existence of the Adjective category in Korean. I also claim that the arguments for the absence of Adj in Korean in Kim (2002) and Yeo(2004a, 2005) either weaken or lose ground. If this proposal is on the right track, it implies that Korean and English are the same in having a category of Adj and the differences regarding the syntactic and semantic properties of Adj in both languages stem from the difference in its morphological property: An English Adj is [free], while a Korean Adj is[bound].
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