惯青扁包 郴 埃青拱

  • 埃青拱 郴 八祸 八祸

积己巩过楷备

八祸搬苞 :
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傈眉急琶 Endnote Refworks
Gould, Isaac. 2018. Telugu maatram: A Morpheme that Agrees with an only-Operator. Studies in Generative Grammar, 28-3, 365-388. This paper provides an initial description of Telugu (Dravidian) maatram, a morpheme that indicates the semantics of an exhaustivity operator (akin to English only), which I call an only-Operator. The distribution of maatram has an interesting property: a VP-internal maatram appears to require the associate of this operator to be the entire VP. Accounting for this poses a challenge to a straightforward mapping between the form maatram and the meaning of the operator. In response to this challenge, I propose dissociating the semantic force of exhaustification from the morpheme maatram. Thus I propose that there are phonologically null semantic only-Operators, and that maatram is an overt morpho-syntactic marker that instead plays a role in indicating the associate of these operators. Crucially, an operator and maatram are involved in a relation of syntactic agreement, and the locality of this relation allows us to account for the distribution of maatram and the associate of the operator.
Lee, Jaekeun and Hong, Sungshim. 2018. English It-Clefts as non-Restrictive Relative Clauses. Studies in Generative Grammar, 28-3, 389-410. The current paper examines the English It-Cleft constructions and argues that this construction consists of a referential pronoun ‘it’ rather than an expletive ‘it’ (Hedberg 2000, Reeve 2007, 2011, 2012), and the cleft clause in it-clefts is a non-restrictive relative clauses, contra Hedberg (2000), Reeve (2011), and many others. The referential component of it-clefts is a copula construction in the form of ‘It...copula...[ FocP XP [ RC who/that...]’. The non-restrictive relative clause part, which is the cleft clause, CP, headed by a Wh-word, merged with the Head of the clefted constituent or the Focus. To that end, we show the close relationship and symmetry between cleft clauses in it-clefts and non-restrictive relative clauses. Therefore, this is a strictly derivational approach to English it-clefts, which utilizes the operational mechanism such as the Sideward Movement (Nunes and Hornstein 2005, Hornstein 2009)
Yeo, Seungju. 2018. Underspecification and Defaults in Korean Aspectual Periphrasis. Studies in Generative Grammar, 28-3, 411-432. This paper proposes a morphosyntactic analysis of grammatical aspect, with two functional heads Asp and Telic dedicated for yielding the array of grammatical aspect patterns observed in Korean. This approach is capable of accounting for why iss-headed periphrases diverge from the other compositionally well-behaving periphrases that maintain a one-to-one correspondence between the aspectual exponents and the resulting grammatical aspect. As opposed to “compositional” aspectual auxiliaries, iss- is neutral and realizes Asp bearing [∘ PERFECT ], an underspecified functional head. This underspecified head is responsible for ambivalence of iss-headed periphrases.
Kim, Lan. 2018. A Note on Aspectual Properties of Korean Idioms. Studies in Generative Grammar, 28-3, 433-447. This paper investigates aspectual properties of idiomatic expressions in Korean, the data that have not received much attention in the study of Korean idioms. Extending McGinnis’ (2002, 2005) observation concerning English, I examine aspectual behaviors of phrasal idioms in Korean and show that the meaning of phrasal idioms in Korean follows from the composition of their parts. If the current work is on the right track, it may offer support to the argument that has been made in generative grammar in which idioms are not just random units but may act as systematic and compositional phrases.
Lee, Soo-Hwan. 2018. Suppletion in Serial Verb Constructions. Studies in Generative Grammar, 28-3, 449-470. Within the framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993), the trigger and target of suppletion interact in one way or another so as to condition allomorphy. By means of scrutinizing the precise motivation as well as the prevention of suppletive allomorphy, numerous approaches have been suggested and adopted in previous literature. Among various theoretical lenses currently available, this paper employs a structural account of viewing suppletion. In doing so, it explores the (in)applicability of suppletive passivization, negation, and honorification in Korean and further investigates the locality conditioning necessary for the trigger and target of suppletion residing within multiple verb constructions in Korean. Depending on whether the locality conditioning is satisfied or not from a morphosyntactic point of view, the (un)availability of suppletive allomorphy follows predictably. For empirical verifications on the theoretical generalization to be put forward, the alternations between, ttayli ‘to hit’ £ mac ‘to be hit’, al ‘to know’ £ molu ‘to not know’, and mek ‘to eat’ £ capswu ‘to eat.HON’ are examined.
Kim, Rhanghyeyun. 2018. Can You Violate the Conjunction Condition in Korean? Tight vs. Loose Coordination. Studies in Generative Grammar, 28-3, 471-488. Zhang (2010) argues that the Coordinate Structure Constraint (CSC) can be violated as in extraction of collective-reading conjuncts in Chinese he/gen coordinate construction. Likewise, Bošković (2013, 2017 a,b, 2018), Stjepanović (2014) and Oda (2016) argue that movement of the head of an island voids islandhood and thus CSC can be violated in some cases. Specifically, Oda (2016) claims that Japanese allows extraction of conjuncts in violation of CSC. This paper argues that the conjunctive -wa in Korean does not allow violation of the conjunct condition of CSC, even when it has collective interpretation, based on the data related to plural agreement marker –tul, reciprocal pronoun selo(each other), and intentional/optative verbs. This paper concludes by suggesting that, cross-linguistically, extractable conjunct is in ‘loose’-coordination relation with the other conjunct in that it is base-generated at the edge of coordinate structure, while non-extractable one, as a ‘tightly’ coordinated conjunct, is within coordinate structure.
Oh, Sei-Rang. 2018. A Compositional Semantic Analysis of Plurality and Disyributivity. Studies in Generative Grammar, 28-3, 489-512. This paper discusses a recent analysis of distributivity proposed by de Vries (2017), which assumes that quantificational distributivity (D-operator based distributivity) and lexical distributivity should exist together in the semantic system. Specifically, de Vries argues that the interpretive pattern of group noun constructions is explained by a lexical approach assuming that their interpretations can be captured using pseudo-equivalences, with a pragmatic factor implemented in the framework. This paper points out that there are group noun constructions in Korean whose interpretive pattern cannot be easily explained by such a lexical analysis, and suggests an alternative, structural analysis to derive the available interpretations. The proposed analysis assumes that distributivity of the group noun constructions is based on the presence of a D-operator at LF and its interactions with other arguments in the sentence, and shows that it has an advantage over a lexical analysis in that it can adequately capture the puzzling interpretations in a compositional manner.
Park, Myung-Kwan and Cho, Euiyon. 2018. On the Identity of -Eykey in Korean Morphological Passives. Studies in Generative Grammar, 28-3, 513-525. This squib investigates the nature of –eykey in Korean morphological/lexical passives. We first argue that this type of passives derives from their causative counterparts. The former and the latter can have the same form of verb, but during passivization the zero passivizing morphology on the transitive complement verb of the matrix causative morpheme demotes the Dative -eyeky-marked Causee from an argument to an adjunct, besides the transitive verb losing the ability to value Accusative Case. The so-called animacy restriction on the subject NP with –eykey passives is ascribed to the requirement that it assume the Causer role in –eykey passives. In contrast, –ey uyhay passives are derived from the zero passivizing morpheme attached to the causativized verb complex, thus the matrix subject being realized by the particle –ey uyhay.
Hong, Yong-Tcheol. 2018. Embeddability of Sentence End Particles in Korean and Speech Act Projections. Studies in Generative Grammar, 28-3, 527-552. This paper discusses how Korean sentence end particles could be dealt with from the perspective of the layered speech act structure in which the speaker-related head sa and the addressee-related head SA are projected on the top of CP. Korean sentence end particles have usually been classified into three categories: addressee honorification markers, clause type markers, and mood markers. We argue in this paper that (i) the illocutionary-force-related feature [+/- interrogation], whose the phonetic realization is a rising or falling intonation, is generated in the implicit performative predicate SA; (ii) addressee honorification markers appear in SA as a result of Spec-head agreement between SA and a vocative phrase in its Spec; (iii) clause type markers, which are not utterance indicators in principle, are generated in CP and selected by the feature [+/- interrogation] in SA; (iv) mood markers like “-kwun”, while generated in CP, must be considered as an utterance indicator because of their lexical property that the attitude towards the proposition should be that of the speaker. With respect to the embeddability of the aforementioned markers, we assume that an utterance cannot be embedded in another one, and claim that this assumption accounts for why most of the sentence end particles like addressee honorification markers, mood markers, and portmanteau clause type markers, cannot be embedded within a subordinate clause, but the pure clause type markers, ta, nya, la, ca, can.
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