惯青扁包 郴 埃青拱

  • 埃青拱 郴 八祸 八祸
  • 埃青拱 肚绰 鼻/龋甫 "-傈眉-" 急琶窍矫搁 烹钦 八祸捞 啊瓷钦聪促

积己巩过楷备

八祸搬苞 :
8
傈眉急琶 Endnote Refworks
Three types of English Pseudogapping Constructions in terms of Parallelism. Studies in Generative Grammar 30.3, 000-000. This paper aims to point out problems with the analyses which Park & Choi (2015a, b) proposed concerning grammaticality contrast phenomena in voice mismatch in English pseudogapping constructions and to present solutions to them. Several scholars have been researching the reasons for the phenomena, including Kehler’s (1995, 2000, 2002) theory of coherence relations, Jason Merchant’s (2008a, 2013) Voice Phrase mismatch, and Park & Choi’s (2015a, b) Case mismatch, etc. Park & Choi (ibid) are most convincing among all the works. Park & Choi (ibid), however, have empirical and conceptual shortcomings. I make the following three claims: (i) Park & Choi (ibid) argue that only vP undergoes ellipsis in parallel resemblance relations. However, VP undergoes ellipsis in the relations in which a floating quantifier all appears; (ii) Pseudogapping constructions in which cause-effect relations hold are non-parallel because they have a mismatch property between surface syntax and semantics; (iii) There are three types of parallelism in English pseudogapping construction; parallelism, a quasi non-parallelism, and a typical non-parallelism.
This paper investigates the sentence-processing aspects of stranded numeral classifiers (SNCs) in Korean and explores their implications. Building on the previous theoretical and experimental studies of SNCs, particularly concentrating on the subject vs. object asymmetry in SNCs, we hypothesize that subject-related SNCs are not properly licensed syntactically, hence they associate with the adjacent illegitimate NPs. By contrast, object-related SNCs are properly licensed, thus they associate with the distant associate NPs across intervening adjacent NPs. Thus, the former are predicted to give rise to semantic anomaly, whereas the latter are predicted to display priming effects induced by the associate NPs. Furthermore, the former skip the second pass of syntactic reanalysis with the associate NPs after the first pass of semantic incongruence, but the latter do enter into such reanalysis after the first phase of prime effects. In this paper we use the temporal-resolution-wise excellent event-relate potential (ERP) paradigm to test these hypotheses. Subject-related SNCs recorded N400-like negativity at anterior regions, whereas object-related ones registered reduced N400-like negativity at left anterior regions. In addition, the latter additionally evoked P600 at left anterior regions. Taken together, the ERP results confirmed the predictions made above, showing that SNC processing involves the intricate interaction of both semantic and syntactic integration.
In this paper, I demonstrate that radical reconstruction of a long-distance scrambled phrase in Korean can be relaxed if we can obtain convergence only by interpreting the phrase outside of its base position. The data are extended from Beck & Kim (1997)’s observations on the interaction of a wh-phrase and a negative polarity item in Korean (so called, NPI intervention effect). It is shown that reconstruction is also subject to the NPI intervention effect in Korean. I argue that Beck & Kim’s NPI intervention effect can be explained under Relativized Minimaltiy.
Assuming that negative commands or requests are expressed in Korean by employing the negative morpheme mal-, not by employing one of the varieties of Neg found in declaratives, Han and Lee (2007) propose a morpho-syntactic analysis of mal-imperatives. This analysis suggests (i) that the morpheme mal- is an allomorphic variant of the string ani-ha- (’Neg-do’; long-form (LF) negation), which appears in the context of the deontic modality that is triggered in imperatives and in certain limited sentence contexts, and (ii) that it appears only in deontic contexts. In this paper, I reject (i-ii) to suggest the following. First, contrary to (i), the morpheme mal- has the meaning of the volitional verb refrain, which exhibits a certain selectional property, requiring an animate subject. Furthermore, it does not behave like LF negation (Neg) in interrogatives. Second, it can easily appear in many non-deontic contexts, contrary to (ii), which may lead to the suspicion that deontic modality is not syntactically involved in imperatives. It has been noted that mal- can be involved in NPI-licensing and in scope ambiguity, like Neg (see Lee 1977, 1978), which can be considered evidence in favor of suggestion (i). However, I argue that it exhibits these two Neg-like properties, simply because it is an inherently negative predicate in the sense of Klima (1964). Suggestion (i) implies that negative imperatives in Korean have the form mal-imperative, but the present discussion suggests that both negative imperatives with LF negation and mal-imperatives are allowed in principle in Korean because mal- and LF negation need not be in complementary distribution, which seems to be empirically supported.
It is known that there are two types of bare topics in Korean. One is a familiar bare topic appearing in the sentence-initial position, which is like a hanging topic or a dislocated element. The other is an unfamiliar bare topic appearing in the NP-initial position. Kim Y.-H. (1989) called the latter “constituent theme”, suggesting that it is a topic that its host NP is about, and claimed that it forms a constituent with its host NP. In this paper, we argue that, in fact, it does not. A piece of evidence is the fact that the so-called constituent theme can be separated from its host NP by an adjunct. Then, we claim that it is a clause-internal topic that the rest of the sentence following it is about. We also show that it is base-generated in a position between TP and vP.
This paper is concerned with the focus projection of man ‘only’. First of all, this paper generalizes that focus projection takes place when -man is the sister of a constituent that is adjacent to V. Second, I claim that the generalization follows if we provide a V-raising/-man-lowering approach: that is, focus projection takes place when man ‘only’ takes vP as its complement and lowers onto the closest constituent after V-to-T raising takes place. This claim amounts to saying that sentential negation and sentential focus are generated in the same way. It will be shown that this proposal provides a principled account of the focus projection of the contrastive marker -nun as well as that of -man.
It has been observed that there are two variants of sikhi- causatives in Korean: argument adding and argument non-adding. In this squib, we claim that sikhi- in the two variants share the following two properties: (i) they assign a Causer theta-role, and (ii) they require a result event as their complement. This claim is supported by a passive analysis of the argument non-adding variant, for which we present three pieces of evidence. Finally, we present a GB-style implementation of the passive analysis based on Choi (2009, 2017, 2018a, b).
This squib presents a substantive set of data that argues against the pro analysis of argument ellipsis (AE) in Korean. The data show a wide range of elided arguments in terms of syntactic category and subcategorial features. This constitutes a non-trivial theoretical burden on the pro analysis since the analysis has to posit categorially different kinds of pro. In this sense, the ellipsis analysis of AE is theoretically superior to the pro analysis in that, category-wise, it need not assume so many types of pro.
1