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In this research, we propose a new analysis of syntactic contractions. We argue that wanna-contraction is derived when to in the embedded clause undergoes successive-cyclic head movement to the main verb want via the intervening null complementizer head. We propose that this complementizer play a key role to determine possibilities of contractions. When null C bears a covert lexical property - i.e for - contraction is prohibited. On the other hand, contraction is allowed when it bears no lexical content. Based on historical and cross-linguistic data found in the previous literature, we provide evidence that the null complementizer for is overtly realized in standard English when to is affixed. This morphological complex is further affixed to the main verb, and wanna-contraction is prohibited due to the intervening complementizer.

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