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홈 > 인기논문

인문학

가장 많이 다운로드된 논문입니다.
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百濟 都城의 都市構造와 信仰遺蹟의 空間的 配置
오순제(Oh Soon-je)
한국고대학회 / 선사와 고대 / 선사와 고대 제19호 선사와 고대 제19호 / 2003 / 303~334 (32pages)
인문학>역사학
초록보기
The Baekje dynasty is divided three period. The first period is the Hansung(漢城) capital in the Gogol area of the Hanam city(河南市 고골). The second period is the Uoonggin(熊津) in the Gongju city(公州). The third period is the Sabi(泗比) in Puyou city(扶餘). The Hansung and Uoonggin period have the holy caves. These caves surrend capital of Baekje dynasty (the Hansung and Uoonggin) in the four directions. Especially the Hansung period have the four capatals, Habugwiryesung(河北慰南禮城), Hanamwiryesung(河南慰禮城), Hansan(漢山), Hansung(漢城). The Hanamwiryesung of the Banghakdong- Tosung(放學洞土城) is surrended the many ramains of traditional faith. holy caves and tortoise rocks and sybolized star's rock. The Hasung period is the tortoise rock in Esungsansung(二聖山城), Gusan(龜山), Guam(龜巖). The tortoise rock in Esungsansung have the symbole of star on the back. The Uoonggin period have the caves of four directions, Donghyeulsa(東穴寺), Suhyelsa(西穴寺), Namhyelsa(西穴寺). These caves have the Buddhist temples in front. The Donghyeulsa is north of Uoongin capital, Gonsansung(公山城). This fact is not crrorect in direction. Recenrt excavation of the Suchonri-tomb(水村里古墳) solve this problem. The Suchonri area is importent local city in the Hansung period before the Baejge dynasty remove capital from the Gogol of Hanam city(河南市 고골) to the Gongju city(公州). The Donghyeulsa is east of the Suchonri city. This name is origin east directions. After the Baejge dynasty remove capital from the Gogol of Hanam city to the Gongju city, this cave is north of the Gonsansung, capital of this period. Then this cave's name must changend North-cave, Namhyeulsa. The other side we must find Eastern cave. I think the Eastern-cave, Donghyeulsa, is the Gongam(孔岩) of the Gongarnri, east of the Gongsansung. The importent buddhist temple is center of the Baekje capitals. The Chuwangsa(天王寺) is center of the Hansung capital in the Hanam city. The Datongsa(大通寺) is center of the Uoonggin in the Gongju city. The Jungrimsa(定林寺) is center of the Sabi in the Puyou city. This fact is symbol of the Sumisan(須彌山), holy mountin of buddhism. The Sumisan, Kailas mountins, is in the Tibet. Buddha live on top of this mountin. This mountin lead to·heaven.
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漢城期 百濟 都城의 問題 - 風納土城과 夢村土城의 築造 時期 比定을 중심으로 -
박순발(Park Soon-bal)
한국고대학회 / 선사와 고대 / 선사와 고대 제19호 선사와 고대 제19호 / 2003 / 67~84 (18pages)
인문학>역사학
초록보기
The results of the my review on the recently raised retroactive standpoint which the construction time of early Baekje capital citadel i.e. Pungnap earthen wall has to be 2nd century A.D. are as followings. The stamped surface deep bowl which has been unearthed on the paleosurface beneath of Pungnap earthen wall is to be not made untill first half of 3rd century A.D. This point of time is sure the upper limit bound of construction of that wall. My conclusion as such is well supported by the cross dating of those pottery with accompanied chinese origin materials e.g. bronze mirror and imported ceramics pottery. And my upgraded view on the pottery chronology of those time period is summed up as figure 4. On the other hand, the time of construction of Mongchon earthen wall, which above mentioned retroactivists have assummed to be later than Pungnap earthen wall, is surely late second half of 3rd century A.D. in the light of chinese 'Sizin(西晉 : 265-316 A.D.)' potsherd unearthed in the layer deposited over inner surface of wall. These archaeological evidences combined with historical records says that firstly made Mongchon earthen wall was to be called 'southern wall(南城)' or 'king's castle(王城)', and lately made Pungnap earthen wall be called 'northen wall(北城)' or 'big wall(大城)'.
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중국철학에서의 형이상학적 사유방식의 전개 고찰-왕필(王弼)과 현장(玄裝), 기(基)의 논의를 중심으로-
허인섭(Hur In-Sub)
한국동양철학회 / 동양철학 / 東洋哲學 제20집 東洋哲學 제20집 / 2003 / 29~48 (20pages)
인문학>철학
초록보기
This essay aims at disclosing the metaphysical characteristics of some Chinese philosophical traditions. Since around 1970's, the modern philosophers who major in Chinese thought have raised question s about the previous perspectives on Chinese philosophy, which have been mainly maintained by the 1st generation of modem Chinese philosophers. They pointed out that their perspectives are too much oriented by western philosophical thinking. Hence they tried to find a unique Chinese or Asian way of thinking which is totally different from a western one. Aesthetic Order, as a unique Chinese way of thinking which is suggested by Professor Hall and Ames in their work, Thinking Through Confucius, is one of the bold approaches to disclose it. Besides their work, we can find many efforts to find such a unique Chinese characteristics. Professor Dong-Hwan Park's idea of 'R*' is also worth of noticing to make its characteristic clearer. However, some scholars seemed to accept too hastily those concepts as one to explain all characteristics of Chinese philosophy exclusively. This essay tries to find the cause how the first generation of modem Chinese philosophers like Fung Yu-Lan could see the philosophical characteristics same to the western one from Chinese philosophical tradition. In short, this essay tries to show that metaphysica I way of thinking is also working in Chinese philosophical tradition. Wang-pi or Chinese Fa-hsiang school's works are typical example s to show such way of thinking. Their philosophical concepts like 本無, 三性, 如來 etc show a certain characteristics of metaphysical, substantial way of thinking or are reasoned by a simple reduction. This fact means that the first generation's perspective does not totally fail to explain the Chinese philosophical characteristics and the following generation's idea cannot explain all the characteristics of Chinese philosophy without an exception. This essay suggests that we need to develop a more balanced an d general perspective to explain real characteristics of Chinese philosophy. Furthermore, it is expected that to find such a perspective w ould help to compare East and West philosophy in a proper way.
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GIS 기법을 이용한 한국 영산강 하류 구석기 유적 분포특성 연구
김주용(Kim Ju-Yong);이헌종(Lee Heon-Jong)
한국고대학회 / 선사와 고대 / 선사와 고대 제20호 선사와 고대 제20호 / 2004 / 173~192 (20pages)
인문학>역사학
초록보기
This research is aimed at revealing the distribution pattern of paleolithic archeological sites with an aid of GIS in the lower part of Youngsan river basin and its distributary sub-basin along Sampo river. Such geomorphological parameters as absolute elevation, slope angle, orientation or direction of site, vertical distance from drainage, horizontal distance from drainage were obtained from DEM data. In addition local pedology, vegetation and geology of the sites were taken into consideration in order to relate them with the OEM data. Descriptive statistical analysis was carried out to connect relationship among different parameters. As result the vertical distance from the local drainage, the horizontal distance from the local drainage (or absolute elevation), slope angle and site orientation are main parameters to designate paleolithic sites of the area. It is particularly interesting to note that slope angle is controlled by geology, i.e., gentle slope is converged into granite terrain, while relatively-sleep slope related to granite gneiss areas. Lastly an absolute elevation is reversely proportional to the horizontal distance from the local drainage.
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The Current Anthropological Study of Pleistocene Man in Korea
Park Sun-Joo
한국고대학회 / 선사와 고대 / 선사와 고대 제20호 선사와 고대 제20호 / 2004 / 193~203 (11pages)
인문학>역사학
초록보기
한반도에서 구석기시대에 살던 고인류의 연구는 1970년대 초반부터 시작되었다. 지금까지 한 개의 바위그늘과 여섯 개의 동굴유적 및 한 개의 한데유적에서 고인류화석이 출토되었다. 이들 중 용곡과 상시, 홍수 및 만달 동굴에서 출토된 화석을 바탕으로 한반도의 구석기 시대 고인류의 일반적인 모습을 찾아보고자 하였다. 이들은 모두 슬기사람으로 현대 한국어른남자에 비해 머리길이에서 큰 차이를 보인다. 또한 시기를 달리하는 머리뼈의 변화는 음식을 먹는 습관의 차이에서 온 것으로 가늠된다. 이에 더하여 고인류화석의 해부학적 특징을 바탕으로 한반도 출토 고인류의 사회운동량을 측정해본 결과 오늘날 육상경기자들에서 보이는 정도의 운동량과 같은 정도의 일을 한 것으로 가늠되며 중석기시대까지 사냥-채집이 중요 행위인 것으로 가늠된다.
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기와로 본 百濟 熊津期의 泗비經營
조원창(Cho Weon-Chang)
한국고대학회 / 선사와 고대 / 선사와 고대 제23호 선사와 고대 제23호 / 2005 / 211~228 (18pages)
인문학>역사학
초록보기
King Seong of Baekje transferred the capital from Wungjin to Sabi in 538 and named the country Southern Buyeo. As it is today, it was not easy to move a capital of a country. In addition to dealing with the political interests, they must have got the people to perform engineering and construction work, and made public notices to the people because they had to build the palace, walls, and government offices. Judging from the archeological evidences that have been excavated and researched so far, that is the roof tiles(including Wadang), we can conclude that they started to manage Sabi, with Wungjin as their capital, some time between the late 5th century and the early 6th century. We can infer this from the Northern Wi(or Goguryeo) style of roof tiles excavated from the remains of a ruined temple of Buyeo in Yongjeongri. However, we can presume that they practically moved their capital in the early period of King Seong, judging from the Daetongmyeong Ingack tile and the Dongbeom Wadang of Daetong Temple Remains which were found in the majority of relics, such as Buso mountain fortress, the assumed palace site in Kwanbukri, the remains of Dongnamri, and the previous Cheonwang temple site in Guari. And the location might be the southern hilly districts including the present Buso mountain fortress, and the Guari and Dongnamri disctirts in the west. Through more advanced research into the earthen wares and flat roof tiles, we need to make clearer about the management of Sabi in the Wungjin period.
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백제의 성장과 西部 경영
김기섭(Kim Ki-sup)
한국고대학회 / 선사와 고대 / 선사와 고대 제19호 선사와 고대 제19호 / 2003 / 51~66 (16pages)
인문학>역사학
초록보기
This study examined the West Pu system in terms of a perspective that Baekge was found as a country and grow after 2C and Pu of Baekje as a government organ being established by influence of China was used to accomplish the application of the center's order to the district. The tale of founding of Baekge was uniquely realistic and had variety of stories and the subject of establishment of a country, such as Onzo, Piryu, and Kute, was differently described. Baekje united diverse powers and it's intemal leadership was changed several times in terms of the above facts. In other words, the Baekje being located on the lower Han river united small countries in and around the Baekge and it became distinguished within the Mahan. According to the studying of the literature, Hanjon of Samgukji, and the late study of archeological specimens, Onzo lineage merged Piryu lineage and other lineages around the end of 3C to the early of 4C. Most of people believe the base of Piryu lineage was in present Inchon because Piryu was settled in Michuhol and Michuhol was usually misruled by present Inchon. However, the suitable remains has not been found in Inchon yet. The remains were not already ruined and investigation was not unfinished. The reason is present Inchon was the new developed city in the end of the Silla Dynasty and the early years of the Koryo Dynasty and Michuhol was originally came under Yangju county. Therefore, Piryu lineage of Michuhol inhibited not in the west but in the north according to the standard of Wiryesong. Piryu lineage being assimilated by Baekje inhibited in the north not in the west in regards to the above fact. The west area of Baekje was in present Hwaseong city area. Although literatures are few and far between, variety of archeological specimens bear this out. Especially, remains of ancient burial mounds of Mahari, Baekgogri and Balanri are thoroughly materials for proving the base of west. Around 4C, the heart place was in Namyang Bay. Cultural foundation and tradition of West-Pu group was different from the royal household of Baekge. This fact was proved in terms of the various differences between the central ancestral rites held before the grave of West-Pu which are a stone lined tomb or a vertical digging stone chamber tomb and those of the Baekge's royal family, such as, stone mound burial and mound burial with capstone. However, we found there were similarities including soil, body and mouth shape, surface pattern as well as production ways. West-Pu tightly connected with the royal household of Baelge regards to politics, economy, and culture. If the basement of Baekje West-Pu was allover present Namyang Bay in Hwaseong, it is hard to say Baekje Pu was elementary national organization which was naturally established by affects of Puyo and Koguryo. Preferably, Baekge Pu was establushed by uniting of different regional powers being composed of different racial background and cultural tradition. Therefore, Baekje Pu system around 4C was functionally similar in Chinese Pu system.
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積石塚으로 본 百濟 建國集團의 南下過程
임영진(Yim Young-jin)
한국고대학회 / 선사와 고대 / 선사와 고대 제19호 선사와 고대 제19호 / 2003 / 85~105 (21pages)
인문학>역사학
초록보기
While historical documents indicate that Baekje(百濟) was founded in 18 B.C. by immigrants from Koguryo(高句麗) or Puyo(夫餘), it has not been clear whether the immigrants came from Koguryo or Puyo. The distribution of the Stone-mound-tombs(積石塚), the main graves of Koguryo, in the central area of the Korean Peninsula, however, strongly suggests that the founders of Baekje were immigrants from Koguryo, rather than Puyo. The Stone-mound-tombs, discovered in central area of the Korean Peninsula, are divided into three types, Koguryo-type(高句麗式), Baekje-type(百濟式) and Malgal-type(靺鞨式). Among them Koguryo-type provides a key to tracing the migration routes from Koguryo area to southern part of the Han River(漢江) Valley in Seoul, the key area of Hanseong-period(漢城時代) of Baekje. The distribution of the Stone-mound-tombs of Koguryo-type suggests that immigrants from southern part of the Yalu River(鴨綠江) Valley arrived and established early Baekje in the Imjin River(臨津江) Valley first. Then, they re-moved to southern part of the Han River Valley in Seoul in the mid-third century. The immigrants from Koguryo, coming via Imjin River Valley, built the Koguryo-type large-scale Stone-mound-tombs at Sokchondong(石村洞) as well as a large-scale castle at Pungnapdong(風納洞). From these lines of archaeological evidence, it is suggested that the early Baekje was founded around the late 2nd century in the Imjin River Valley[江北慰禮城時代], and the full-fledged Baekje State begun around the mid-3rd century in the Han River Valley in Seoul[江北慰禮城時代(漢城時代)].
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熊津初期 百濟의 王權과 政治權의 向方
이용빈(Lee Yong-bin)
한국고대학회 / 선사와 고대 / 선사와 고대 제19호 선사와 고대 제19호 / 2003 / 185~206 (22pages)
인문학>역사학
초록보기
The Early Woongjin Dynasty Baekje's chaos was because of Moonju and Gonji's political quarrel for the crown. For Moonju's side, one could refer starting from Haegu, to Mokhyubmanchi, Jomigulchi, and Yunshin. On the other hand, the Jinnam and Jinro area's leader, the Jin Family and Yeogo, which were the king's relatives, Sayaksa and finally Baekga were on Gonji's side. After both king Gonji and Moonju were assasinated by each other's assasins, Gonji's leading character, Jinnam and Jinro eradicated Moonju's so called 'right arm' Haegu. King Samgeun was killed as a victim of political plot, finally ending the political war confirming Gonji's victory. Consequently, one may know that Gonji's son Dong Seung's accession to the throne did not happen in a normal behavior. But in "Samgooksagi", it states that after Moonju was crowned king, all the political problems were considered to be Haegu's fault. Therefore, this event has a great percentage of the war's victor changing the record, and if it had been changed, it would have been done by the Jin family and the Gonji after King Dongsung's accession to the throne. So it is almost for sure that the records from the beginning of King Moonju to Dongsung, have been modified. Accordingly, to restore this correctly, it would mean early Woongjin dynasty Baekje was a period of war among the Moonju who tried to keep their throne and the Gonji who tried to take it from them, finally resulting to a Gonji victory and accession of Gonji's son Dongsung as the next king.
10 생성문법연구 제15권 제4호
VP Coordination Analysis of Gapping Constructions in Korean
Hyeran Lee
한국생성문법학회 / 생성문법연구 / 생성문법연구 제15권 제4호 생성문법연구 제15권 제4호 / 2005 / 533~562 (30pages)
인문학>언어학
초록보기
Korean Gapping constructions are examined in this paper, following Johnson (1994, 2003) and Lopez and Winkler (2003). Based on the observation that the Korean honorific si appears in the second conjunct only, it is argued that the operation AGREE takes place in the second conjunct while the ATB movement occurs out of both conjuncts. The first conjunct is accordingly analyzed as the vP conjunct where si never appears. It is claimed that Nominative Case in the gapped conjunct is a default case. The CSC violation does not occur in Korean Gapping due to the weak EPP features which do not raise the subject to the Spec, TP. The negation scope and NPI facts are discussed to show that Gapping is the vP/NegP coordination rather than the CP coordination. The binding facts are argued for the vP coordination analysis against Sohn (2001). The residue of Gapping constructions including wh-phrases and topicalized phrases is analyzed to provide evidence for the vP coordination.
11 생성문법연구 제15권 제1호
Locative Inversion in Korean
임창국(Changguk Yim)
한국생성문법학회 / 생성문법연구 / 생성문법연구 제15권 제1호 생성문법연구 제15권 제1호 / 2005 / 17~27 (11pages)
인문학>언어학
초록보기
The purpose of this article is to present an analysis for locative inversion constructions in Korean. It will be argued that the inversion involves A- movement, and proposed that movement of the locative to SpecυP and subsequently to SpecTP is triggered by the optional EPP-features on υ and T (Bowers 2002, Collins 1997). A theoretical implication will be addressed with respect to Case-valuing and Φ-agreement. Furthermore, it will be proposed that the inverted constituent is, in fact, Kase Phrase (KP) selecting PP, based on the fact that the fronted locative displays certain nominal properties in Korean.
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고구려 집안지역 묘주도 의자의 계보와 전개
이송란(Lee Song-Ran)
한국고대학회 / 선사와 고대 / 선사와 고대 제23호 선사와 고대 제23호 / 2005 / 97~126 (30pages)
인문학>역사학
초록보기
In this study, I paid attention on the chairs on which the owner of the tomb sits, among the crafted products being expressed in the mural painting of tombs of Koguryo(高句麗). Tomb paintings were expressed for limited period of time from the middle of the 4th century to the beginning of the 6th century when life custom's paintings appeared in the wall paintings of tombs of Pyeongyang(平壤) area and Jian(集安) area. Parts attracting our interest among these tomb paintings are regional difference of the structure of seats between Jian area and Pyeongyang area. As indicated, original forms of tomb paintings of Koguryo are found in the curtain scene having been famous at Liaoning(遼寧) areas in the era of Han(漢) dynasty and Weijin(魏晉) dynasty. The reason for the difference of the structure of seats may be because of reflection of different use of seats between Jian area and Pyeongyang area. First of all, in order to understand difference of chair culture being established in Jian area, the researcher analyzed use of Tap(Ta, 榻) and Three leg leaning table(三足?机), one of the Chinese style furniture at Pyeongyang and Hwanghaedo(黃海道) areas. From the fact that owner of tombs appearing in the Anak tomb no. 3(安岳 3號墳) and the Deokheungrigobun(德興里古墳) sitting on chairs being composed of top and Three leg leaning table, I thought that cultual tendency of Northern China had been newly introduced into Pyeongyang area. But Three leg leaning table and Zumi(Zhuwei, 주尾), which were goods showing authority of politicians in the Northern China disappeared after the Deokheungrigobun in 408. That seemed to be because the royal family of Koguryo hadn't needed refugee politicians of China any more in order to control aboriginal Chinese who had settled down at these areas for long time from the period of Naknang(樂浪). At Jian area of Koguryo, chair culture of standing life was established entirely differently from Pyeongyang area. The researcher thought that Koguryo's chair culture wouldn't be unrelated with inner environment where the sitting space and the standing space for putting on shoes were mixed. Korean under-floor heating system was confirmed at house sites of Nodamri, Sijunggun, Jagangdo, remains of Dongdaeja and the Boru Castle no. 4 at the Mt. Acha. In addition, from the fact that the owners of the tombs at the north room of Gakjeochong(角抵塚) and the Tonggu tomb no. 12(通溝12號墳) were warriors, I judged that chair culture enabling quick activities would have been proper for disposition of Koguryo people. As shown in the painting of reception of Buddhist monks found in the Muyongchong(舞踊塚), the Buddhist culture being newly accepted by Koguryo is judged to have made great influence on settlement of chair culture.
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한국어의 부분중첩에 대한 대응이론 분석
강옥미
한국음운론학회 / 음성 음운 형태론 연구 / 음성ㆍ음운ㆍ형태론 연구 제4집 음성ㆍ음운ㆍ형태론 연구 제4집 / 1998 / 31~54 (24pages)
인문학>언어학
초록보기
Kang, Ongmi, 1998, A Correspondence Theoretic Analysis on Korean Partial Reduplication. Studies in Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology 4, 31-54. The purpose of this paper is to analyze Korean partial redu-plication under Correspondence Theory. The size and phonological content of each reduplicant is determined by the constraint ranking between 1-0 faithfullness, B-R Identity and Phono-Constraints. I claim that prefixing and suffixing reduplication behave differently from internal reduplication. In other words, internal reduplication is just a case of the emergence of the unmarked: the size of internal reduplicant is CV; it does not allow any laryngeal features; t shows up in the prespecified reduplicant. Internal reduplicants surface word-internally and therefore, speaker oriented Phono-Constaints dominte hearer-oriented Faithfullness constraints, while prefixing and suffixing reduplicants surface at word-edges and therefore, Faithfullness constraints dominate Phono-Constraints. (Chosun University)
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중세국어의 치음의 구개음화
이명규
한국음운론학회 / 음성 음운 형태론 연구 / 음성ㆍ음운ㆍ형태론 연구 제1집 음성ㆍ음운ㆍ형태론 연구 제1집 / 1993 / 115~128 (14pages)
인문학>언어학
15 생성문법연구 제15권 제3호
An Expletive in Korean
윤항진(Hang-Jin Yoon)
한국생성문법학회 / 생성문법연구 / 생성문법연구 제15권 제3호 생성문법연구 제15권 제3호 / 2005 / 385~396 (12pages)
인문학>언어학
16 이미지가 준비 중 입니다.
동도서기론의 재해석
최윤수
한국동양철학회 / 동양철학 / 東洋哲學 제20집 東洋哲學 제20집 / 2003 / 115~142 (28pages)
인문학>철학
17 이미지가 준비 중 입니다.
薯童說話의 생성과 전개
강민식(Kang Min-sig)
한국고대학회 / 선사와 고대 / 선사와 고대 제19호 선사와 고대 제19호 / 2003 / 367~385 (19pages)
인문학>역사학
초록보기
The previous view of Sabi period's movement should be newly understood. Sabi(泗??) period has been comprehended as a period of losing the royal authority caused by the defeat of Kwansanseong(管山城) battle as well as King Seong(聖王)'s death in battle, and also a period that real powered nobles appeared. The King Wideok(威德王)'s royal authority was confirmed to be much stronger than it used to be understood before. It was assured by the active domestic and foreign policy of King Wideok and many evidences found out from Leongsanlisaji(陵山里寺址) excavating investigation Therefore, the followers, King Hae(惠王) and King BuP(法王), despite of their short life, attempted to consolidate and maintain royal authority through active construction of temples. After all, the regal power since King Wideok in spite of the King Seong's death in the battle, could be understood to attain constant superiority over the noble power. Besides it couldn't be accepted the previous view which King Mu(武王) from a ruined royal family came to ascend the throne by the real powered nobles. Seodong tale(薯童說話) of King Mu in Samgukyusa(三國遺事) needs a new approach which actually provided a basis for ascending process of King Mu. The current study suggests that the major body of Seodong tale was composed with priority given to Silla and Silla people through the major characters of it, which might be prevalent with an intention of restraining the restoration movement having been actively developed since the fall of Baekje. Also the study confirms that King Mugang(武康王) transmission formed of the keynote of Seodong tale, was closely related to the awareness of national succession. In addition, it was found that a transmitted story about King Mugang, having been widespreaded in the past Baekje area, settled down in Iksan(益山) along with Bodeokguk(報德國) of Anseung(安勝). Such a story was functioned as the justification of founding Post Baekje by Kyeonhweon(甄萱). Even thougth some problems about Seodong tale have been raised by the preceding reports, the understanding about King Mu's coronation and the foundation of Mireuk temple(彌勒寺) were accepted without doubting. It is still a beginning step to explain King Mu's coronation centering around Samguksagi(三國史記) and analyze the political intention of Seodong tale or transmitted tales. Moreover the achievement of Mireuksaji excavating investigation in Iksan is understood to show exactly what was written in Seodong tale. Kwanseaumeungheomgi(觀世音應驗記), which even suggested the view of King Mu's transfer the capital to Iksan, has the similar contents with that of Seodong tale. There comes a need of a detailed analysis on the achievement of Mireuksaji excavating investigation. In addition, it is time to examine Kwanseaumeungheomgi bibliographically. Futhermore it should be examined all the following subjects: King Mu's coronation based on Seodong tale, the foundation of Mireuk temple, and the view of King Mu's transfer the capital as well.
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국어 음운 현상과 관련된 제약들의 기능 부담량에 대한 연구
이상억
한국음운론학회 / 음성 음운 형태론 연구 / 음성ㆍ음운ㆍ형태론 연구 제7집 제1호 음성ㆍ음운ㆍ형태론 연구 제7집 제1호 / 2001 / 125~152 (28pages)
인문학>언어학
초록보기
Lee, Sang-Oak. 2001. On the functional load of phonetic and phonological constraints in three-dimensional Korean linguistics. Studies in Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology 7.1. 125-152. This paper investigates the frequency of phonetic/phonological constraints in well-transcribed Korean data and established a rank of functional load among those constraints. The results obtained in the pursuit turn out in the following way: the phonetic rules/constraints are ranked in the higher level of frequency and, in particular, the sum of two highest ranking items is nearly 51 %/53%. The constraint 'Syllable Adjustment' (14.6%) is much more frequent than the rule of 'Vowel Lengthening'. Among the four different types of palatalization, n-, l-, and spalatalization ranked high. Many other points can be observed from the result. This study is able to support the economically optimal design of speech/synthesis system by putting the highly ranked rules in the mainstream of processing while leaving minor rules in the negligible periphery. Again we may design the optimal model of introducing rules/constraints in our language teaching or acquisition.(Seoul National University)
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통사적 환경과 음운론적으로 조건화되지 않은 경음화
우순조(Woo Soon-Jo)
한국음운론학회 / 음성 음운 형태론 연구 / 음성ㆍ음운ㆍ형태론 연구 제10집 제3호 음성ㆍ음운ㆍ형태론 연구 제10집 제3호 / 2004 / 463~480 (18pages)
인문학>언어학
초록보기
This paper argues that phonologically unconditioned tensification functions as a marker of syntactic boundaries in both compounds and syntactic constructions. To prove the argument, this paper sets up a working hypothesis, and shows that it correctly predicts the occurrence of the tensification. The hypothesis, named syntactic environment hypothesis, predicts that phonologically unconditioned tensification takes place at syntactic boundaries. For example, it predicts that the tensification in point never occurs between verb roots and derivational suffixes because the morpheme sequence forms a morphological structure. It also predicts that the tensification occurs at syntactic boundaries. One of the syntactic boundaries lies between the misleadingly called verbal stems and endings. This conception is supported by independent syntactic evidence. The hypothesis provides a better understanding of phonologically unconditioned tensification in compound constructions. That is, compounds originating from syntactic constructions show tensificiation, while typical compounds do not.
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孔子이전의 仁 槪念 硏究
김병환(Paul B.H Kim)
한국동양철학회 / 동양철학 / 東洋哲學 제20집 東洋哲學 제20집 / 2003 / 1~28 (28pages)
인문학>철학
초록보기
If someone wants to understand Chinese philosophy, it is necessary for him to comprehend the concept of jen. Without comprehending the meaning of the term, no understanding of Confucian philosophy is possible. The goal of this paper is to investigate whether the concept of jen possesses a meaning which is related to inner disposition in the Chinese classics. The body of the paper consists of two major sections. The first section is an investigation of what the term jen meant in the Chinese classics before Confucius. The second section is a discussion of whether or not the concept jen possesses a meaning which is related to the inner subjectivity of the individual. Based on the discussions of the content we can draw the conclusions as follows: first, the word jen does not occur in the oracle bon e inscriptions and Western Chou bronze inscriptions. Second, in the Book of Odes it has no meaning implying inner virtue like "kindness" or "love," although many scholars interpreted it that way. Third, it seems to me that there exists some ambiguity in the Book of Documents. Yet it can be safely argued that the passage was written b y someone who lived in a much later period, probably during the Spring and Autumn period. This almost corresponds to the time in which Confucius was active. Therefore we can guess that the passage was written by someone who was being influenced by Confucian teachings.